Pedro Enrique Quiñones
Figueroa Health, Development and
Industrialization. A contribution.
HEALTH, DEVELOPMENT AND INDUSTRIALIZATION.
DecNovember 2011
Pedro Enrique Quiñones Figueroa.
Medical surgeon, Project strategy management, Public health, Medical auditor
Peruvian University Cayetano Heredia, University of the Pacific, National University of Trujillo.
INSTITUTE OF HEALTH AND HUMAN RIGHTS
Trujillo, PERU.
THE INTERNAL MARKET TRAINING PROCESS FOR THE GREAT INDUSTRY IN RUSSIA.
From: "The development of capitalism in Russia: The process of formation of the internal market for large industry". Lenin. 1908. Editorial Progreso, Moscow. 1974.
Enormous vestiges of the economy based on personal service and all manner of survivals of serfdom, with the unheard-of deprivation and ruin of the poor peasantry, fully explain the deep roots of the peasants' revolutionary movement, the deep roots of the peasant's revolutionary spirit As mass.
The vacillations of the impoverished smallholder, between the anti-revolutionary bourgeoisie and the revolutionary proletariat, are as inevitable as a phenomenon observed in any capitalist society: an insignificant minority of small producers are enriched and become bourgeois, while the overwhelming majority Are completely ruined and become workers or depauperados or lead an economic life that always strikes the situation of proletarians.
On the concrete economic basis of the Russian revolution, two fundamental paths of its development and outcome are objectively possible: either the old landed economy, linked by thousands of ties with the right of servitude, is preserved, slowly transforming itself into a purely capitalist economy of Type "junker". In this case, the basis of the final transit of the system of payment in labor, to capitalism, is the internal transformation of the landed economy based on servitude; And the entire agrarian regime of the State, when transformed into a capitalist, still preserves for a long time the traits of servitude.
Either the revolution breaks the old landed economy, destroying all the remnants of serfdom and, above all, great landed property. In this case the basis of the definitive transit of the system of payment in labor to capitalism is the free development of the small peasant hacienda, which receives a great impulse thanks to the expropriation of the lands of the landowners in favor of the peasants; And the whole agrarian regime is transformed into capitalist, since the differentiation of the peasantry takes place so much more rapidly, the more radically the vestiges of servitude are removed.
To examine the internal market, we must start from the simple mercantile economy and follow its gradual transformation into capitalist, since the market is a category of mercantile economy, which in its development is transformed into capitalist and that only with this adquire full dominion and diffusion general.
Within the natural economy, society consisted of a mass of homogeneous economic units (patriarchal peasant families, primitive rural communities, feudal haciendas), and each of them carried out all types of economic work, beginning with the obtaining of the various Classes of raw materials and ending with the final preparation of the same for their consumption.
With the mercantile economy are constituted heterogeneous economic units, increases the number of branches of the economy and decreases the number of haciendas that fulfill identical economic function. This progressive growth of the social division of labor is the fundamental element in the process of creating the internal market for capitalism. For these goods, the market develops as a consequence of the social division of labor; The division of productive works mutually transform their products into goods, in equivalents of one another, forcing them to serve one another, market.
It is understood that the separation of the transformative industry from the extractive industry, the separation of the manufacture of agriculture, transforms agriculture itself into industry, that is to say in the branch of the economy that produces goods, products that are goods, that is to say , Values of use with realizable exchange value, convertible into money.
This process of specialization, which separates the different kinds of product transformation from one another, constituting an increasing number of branches of industry, also manifests itself in agriculture, creating specialized agricultural areas (and agricultural economy systems) Causing the change between the products of agriculture and industry, as well as between different agricultural products. AND The specialization of mercantile (and capitalist) agriculture manifests itself in all capitalist countries, as well as in the international division of labor. The development of the mercantile economy means that from agriculture an industrial branch separates after another; Means only that the population engaged in agriculture itself transforms the products of agriculture, which are almost non-existent the exchange and division of labor. The development of the mercantile economy means, therefore, that a growing part of the population is being separated from the agriculture, that is to say the population dependent of the industry grows in account of the population depositing of the agriculture, since in the industry The growth of constant capital, machines, is on account of variable capital, wage labor, and is linked to the absolute growth of variable capital or wage labor. That is to say, the accumulation of capital and constant capital grows from agriculture, and to the extent that agriculture is mechanized and creates labor power, that it becomes wage labor and consumer of goods. In agriculture, variable capital or wage labor, required to work a given field, decreases in an absolute sense; Therefore, the growth of variable capital is only possible when a new land is worked, and this in turn presupposes an even greater increase of the non-agricultural population. HISTORICAL ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK OF PERU From: "Community participation as a critical node of the social process of decentralization of health in Peru". From the 1950s onwards, three stages can be identified in the socio - economic history of the country: 1950 - 1975, in which they were initiated. The first steps of a capitalist modernization In the second half of the 1980s a crisis of the capitalist export project was established. Until the mid-1990s, when the crisis deepened and became widespread, capitalist modernization through import substitution began in the 1950s ( In this period, foreign and oligarchic capital is diversified, and investments seek to control the domestic market and industry. An industry with a low capacity for labor absorption is developed. The production of consumer goods for the middle and upper classes.The state imposed an agrarian policy that makes the field subsidize the industry. For various reasons, a national bourgeoisie with the capacity to establish hegemony and alliances between the export sectors, the industrialists and the middle classes, is not established, and it seeks to channel the incipient capitalist modernization. From 1980 to 1993, popular participation in health grew steadily. This growth was considered not only in terms of health actions, but also in the survival actions of the population and community organizations during the crisis of 1989 and 1991. These survival organizations are the only ones that have experienced growth and Strengthening during the crisis, unlike trade unions and trade unions, which have increasingly lost strength because of the economic crisis. From 2000 onwards, with the Global Crisis and the fiscal crisis that began in Peru, support for supplementary feeding programs fell and, with it, Vaso de Leche, Popular Kitchens and Caloric intake of 2500 which is minimum for health, 2000 in the 80s and 2500 in the 90s. In the 1990s, the competitiveness of an economy is no longer sustained by the abundance of cheap raw materials and labor, requiring product quality, technological innovation, labor productivity and investment in human resources. But in the late 1990s, the obsession for presidential re-election and corruption, slowed economic growth and more than 400,000 people went on to unemployment and underemployment. The result of the years of neoliberalism has been the bankruptcy of the national industry, the lack of foreign investment and the concentration of the economy in foreign monopolies, passing more than half of the population to the condition of the poor. SMEs now represent the family occupation of 80% of the EAP, with an investment equivalent to $ 20,000 million soles in 2009. In that sense, the projection of local, popular and community cultures - in all the variety of their expressions Neighborhood, religious, solidarity, productive work and assistance - should be central to the design of the national strategy and policies. The exercise of citizenship implies other aspects that point to social coherence, equity in distribution.
HEALTH, DEVELOPMENT AND INDUSTRIALIZATION.
DecNovember 2011
Pedro Enrique Quiñones Figueroa.
Medical surgeon, Project strategy management, Public health, Medical auditor
Peruvian University Cayetano Heredia, University of the Pacific, National University of Trujillo.
INSTITUTE OF HEALTH AND HUMAN RIGHTS
Trujillo, PERU.
THE INTERNAL MARKET TRAINING PROCESS FOR THE GREAT INDUSTRY IN RUSSIA.
From: "The development of capitalism in Russia: The process of formation of the internal market for large industry". Lenin. 1908. Editorial Progreso, Moscow. 1974.
Enormous vestiges of the economy based on personal service and all manner of survivals of serfdom, with the unheard-of deprivation and ruin of the poor peasantry, fully explain the deep roots of the peasants' revolutionary movement, the deep roots of the peasant's revolutionary spirit As mass.
The vacillations of the impoverished smallholder, between the anti-revolutionary bourgeoisie and the revolutionary proletariat, are as inevitable as a phenomenon observed in any capitalist society: an insignificant minority of small producers are enriched and become bourgeois, while the overwhelming majority Are completely ruined and become workers or depauperados or lead an economic life that always strikes the situation of proletarians.
On the concrete economic basis of the Russian revolution, two fundamental paths of its development and outcome are objectively possible: either the old landed economy, linked by thousands of ties with the right of servitude, is preserved, slowly transforming itself into a purely capitalist economy of Type "junker". In this case, the basis of the final transit of the system of payment in labor, to capitalism, is the internal transformation of the landed economy based on servitude; And the entire agrarian regime of the State, when transformed into a capitalist, still preserves for a long time the traits of servitude.
Either the revolution breaks the old landed economy, destroying all the remnants of serfdom and, above all, great landed property. In this case the basis of the definitive transit of the system of payment in labor to capitalism is the free development of the small peasant hacienda, which receives a great impulse thanks to the expropriation of the lands of the landowners in favor of the peasants; And the whole agrarian regime is transformed into capitalist, since the differentiation of the peasantry takes place so much more rapidly, the more radically the vestiges of servitude are removed.
To examine the internal market, we must start from the simple mercantile economy and follow its gradual transformation into capitalist, since the market is a category of mercantile economy, which in its development is transformed into capitalist and that only with this adquire full dominion and diffusion general.
Within the natural economy, society consisted of a mass of homogeneous economic units (patriarchal peasant families, primitive rural communities, feudal haciendas), and each of them carried out all types of economic work, beginning with the obtaining of the various Classes of raw materials and ending with the final preparation of the same for their consumption.
With the mercantile economy are constituted heterogeneous economic units, increases the number of branches of the economy and decreases the number of haciendas that fulfill identical economic function. This progressive growth of the social division of labor is the fundamental element in the process of creating the internal market for capitalism. For these goods, the market develops as a consequence of the social division of labor; The division of productive works mutually transform their products into goods, in equivalents of one another, forcing them to serve one another, market.
It is understood that the separation of the transformative industry from the extractive industry, the separation of the manufacture of agriculture, transforms agriculture itself into industry, that is to say in the branch of the economy that produces goods, products that are goods, that is to say , Values of use with realizable exchange value, convertible into money.
This process of specialization, which separates the different kinds of product transformation from one another, constituting an increasing number of branches of industry, also manifests itself in agriculture, creating specialized agricultural areas (and agricultural economy systems) Causing the change between the products of agriculture and industry, as well as between different agricultural products. AND The specialization of mercantile (and capitalist) agriculture manifests itself in all capitalist countries, as well as in the international division of labor. The development of the mercantile economy means that from agriculture an industrial branch separates after another; Means only that the population engaged in agriculture itself transforms the products of agriculture, which are almost non-existent the exchange and division of labor. The development of the mercantile economy means, therefore, that a growing part of the population is being separated from the agriculture, that is to say the population dependent of the industry grows in account of the population depositing of the agriculture, since in the industry The growth of constant capital, machines, is on account of variable capital, wage labor, and is linked to the absolute growth of variable capital or wage labor. That is to say, the accumulation of capital and constant capital grows from agriculture, and to the extent that agriculture is mechanized and creates labor power, that it becomes wage labor and consumer of goods. In agriculture, variable capital or wage labor, required to work a given field, decreases in an absolute sense; Therefore, the growth of variable capital is only possible when a new land is worked, and this in turn presupposes an even greater increase of the non-agricultural population. HISTORICAL ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK OF PERU From: "Community participation as a critical node of the social process of decentralization of health in Peru". From the 1950s onwards, three stages can be identified in the socio - economic history of the country: 1950 - 1975, in which they were initiated. The first steps of a capitalist modernization In the second half of the 1980s a crisis of the capitalist export project was established. Until the mid-1990s, when the crisis deepened and became widespread, capitalist modernization through import substitution began in the 1950s ( In this period, foreign and oligarchic capital is diversified, and investments seek to control the domestic market and industry. An industry with a low capacity for labor absorption is developed. The production of consumer goods for the middle and upper classes.The state imposed an agrarian policy that makes the field subsidize the industry. For various reasons, a national bourgeoisie with the capacity to establish hegemony and alliances between the export sectors, the industrialists and the middle classes, is not established, and it seeks to channel the incipient capitalist modernization. From 1980 to 1993, popular participation in health grew steadily. This growth was considered not only in terms of health actions, but also in the survival actions of the population and community organizations during the crisis of 1989 and 1991. These survival organizations are the only ones that have experienced growth and Strengthening during the crisis, unlike trade unions and trade unions, which have increasingly lost strength because of the economic crisis. From 2000 onwards, with the Global Crisis and the fiscal crisis that began in Peru, support for supplementary feeding programs fell and, with it, Vaso de Leche, Popular Kitchens and Caloric intake of 2500 which is minimum for health, 2000 in the 80s and 2500 in the 90s. In the 1990s, the competitiveness of an economy is no longer sustained by the abundance of cheap raw materials and labor, requiring product quality, technological innovation, labor productivity and investment in human resources. But in the late 1990s, the obsession for presidential re-election and corruption, slowed economic growth and more than 400,000 people went on to unemployment and underemployment. The result of the years of neoliberalism has been the bankruptcy of the national industry, the lack of foreign investment and the concentration of the economy in foreign monopolies, passing more than half of the population to the condition of the poor. SMEs now represent the family occupation of 80% of the EAP, with an investment equivalent to $ 20,000 million soles in 2009. In that sense, the projection of local, popular and community cultures - in all the variety of their expressions Neighborhood, religious, solidarity, productive work and assistance - should be central to the design of the national strategy and policies. The exercise of citizenship implies other aspects that point to social coherence, equity in distribution.
José Carlos Mariátegui
7 Ensayos de Interpretación de la Realidad Peruana
III.
El problema de la tierra
7 Ensayos de Interpretación de la Realidad Peruana
III.
El problema de la tierra
EL PROBLEMA AGRARIO Y EL PROBLEMA DEL INDIO
LA "COMUNIDAD" Y EL LATIFUNDIO
LA "COMUNIDAD" Y EL LATIFUNDIO
La defensa de la "comunidad" indígena no reposa en
principios abstractos de justicia ni en sentimentales consideraciones
tradicionalistas, sino en razones concretas y prácticas de orden económico y
social. La propiedad comunal no representa en el Perú una economía primitiva a
la que haya reemplazado gradualmente una economía progresiva fundada de la
propiedad individual. No; las comunidades han sido despojadas de sus tierras en
provecho del latifundio feudal o semifeudal, constitucionalmente incapaz de
progreso técnico (18).
En la costa, el latifundio ha evolucionado -desde el punto de
vista de los cultivos-, de la rutina feudal a la técnica capitalista, mientras
la comunidad indígena ha desaparecido como explotación comunista de la tierra.
Pero en la sierra, el latifundio ha conservado íntegramente su carácter feudal,
oponiendo una resistencia mucho mayor que la "comunidad" al
desenvolvimiento de la economía capitalista. La "comunidad", en
efecto, cuando se ha articulado, por el paso de un ferrocarril, con el sistema
comercial y las vías de transporte centrales, ha llegado a transformarse
espontáneamente, en una cooperativa.
Castro Pozo, que como jefe de la sección de asuntos indígenas
del Ministerio de Fomento acopió abundantes datos sobre la vida de las
comunidades, señala y destaca el sugestivo caso de la parcialidad de
Muquiyauyo, de la cual dice que presenta los caracteres de las cooperativas de
producción, consumo y crédito. "Dueña de una magnífica instalación o
planta eléctrica en las orillas del Mantaro, por medio de la cual proporciona
luz y fuerza motriz, para pequeñas industrias a los distritos de Jauja, Concepción,
Mito, Muqui, Sincos, Huaripampa y Muquiyauyo, se ha transformado en la
institución comunal por excelencia; en la que no se han relajado sus costumbres
indígenas, y antes bien han aprove-chado de ellas para llevar a cabo la obra de
la empresa; han sabido disponer del dinero que poseían empleándolo en la
adquisición de las grandes maquinarias y ahorrado el valor de la mano de obra
que la parcialidad ha ejecutado, lo mismo que si se tratara de la construcción
de un edificio comunal: por mingas en las que hasta las mujeres y niños han
sido elementos útiles en el acarreo de los materiales de construcción"
(19).
La comparación de la "comunidad" y el latifundio como
empresa de producción agrícola, es desfavorable para el latifundio. Dentro del
régimen capitalista, la gran propiedad sustituye y desaloja a la pequeña
propiedad agrícola por su aptitud para intensificar la producción mediante el
empleo de una técnica avanzada de cultivo. La industrialización de la
agricultura, trae aparejada la concentración de la propiedad agraria. La gran
propiedad aparece entonces justificada por el interés de la producción,
identificado, teóricamente por lo menos, con el interés de la sociedad. Pero el
latifundio no tiene el mismo efecto, ni responde, por consiguiente, a una necesidad
económica. Salvo los casos de las haciendas de caña -que se dedican a la
producción de aguardiente con destino a la intoxicación y embrutecimiento del
campesino indígena-, los cultivos de los latifundios serranos son generalmente
los mismos de las comunidades. Y las cifras de la producción no difieren. La
falta de estadística agrícola no permite establecer con exactitud las
diferencias parciales; pero todos los datos disponibles autorizan a sostener
que los rendimientos de los cultivos de las comunidades, no son, en su
promedio, inferiores a los cultivos de los latifundios.
La única estadística de producción de la sierra, la del trigo,
sufraga esta conclusión. Castro Pozo, resumiendo los datos de esta estadística
en 1917p;18, escribe lo siguiente: "La cosecha resultó, término medio, en
450 y 580 kilos por cada hectárea para la propiedad comunal e individual,
respectivamente. Si se tiene en cuenta que las mejores tierras de producción
han pasado a poder de los terratenientes, pues la lucha por aquéllas en los
departamentos del Sur ha llegado hasta el extremo de eliminar al poseedor
indígena por la violencia o masacrándolo, y que la ignorancia del comunero lo
lleva de preferencia a ocultar los datos exactos relativos al monto de la
cosecha, disminuyéndola por temor de nuevos impuestos o exacciones de parte de
las autoridades políticas subalternas o recaudadores de éstos; se colegirá
fácilmente que la diferencia en la producción por hectárea a favor del bien de
la propiedad individual no es exacta y que razonablemente, se la debe dar por
no existente, por cuanto los medios de producción y de cultivo, en una y otras
propiedades, son idénticos"(20).
En la Rusia feudal del siglo pasado, el latifundio tenía
rendimientos mayores que los de la pequeña propiedad. Las cifras en hectolitros
y por hectárea eran las siguientes: para el centeno: 11.5 contra 9.4; para el
trigo: 11 contra 9.1; para la avena: 15.4 contra 12.7; para la cebada: 11.5
contra 10.5; para las patatas: 92.3 contra 72 (2l).
El latifundio de la sierra peruana resulta, pues, por debajo del
execrado latifundio de la Rusia zarista como factor de producción.
La "comunidad", en cambio, de una parte acusa
capacidad efectiva de desarrollo y transformación y de otra parte se presenta
como un sistema de producción que mantiene vivos en el indio los estímulos
morales necesarios para su máximo rendimiento como trabajador. Castro Pozo hace
una observación muy justa cuando escribe que "la comunidad indígena
conserva dos grandes principios económico sociales que hasta el presente ni la
ciencia sociológica ni el empirismo de los grandes industrialistas han podido
resolver satisfactoriamente: el contrato múltiple del trabajo y la realización
de éste con menor desgaste fisiológico y en un ambiente de agradabilidad, emulación
y compañerismo" (22).
Disolviendo o relajando la "comunidad", el régimen del
latifundio feudal, no sólo ha atacado una institución económica sino también, y
sobre todo, una institución social que defiende la tradición indígena, que
conserva la función de la familia campesina y que traduce ese sentimiento
jurídico popular al que tan alto valor asignan Proudhon y Sorel (23).
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